3.1 Educational provision
3.2 Primary education
3.3 Secondary education
3.4 Pathways to employment
3.5 Training provision
3.6 The problems of youth
3.7 A survey of youth aspirations, expectations and opinions
3.8 Issues raised from the survey results
The function of education in Tanzania defined in Education for Self-Reliance by Nyerere (1967), was two fold; to establish and reinforce national identity (Tanzanisation) and secondly to prepare young people for the world of work as part of the process of manpower planning.
At Independence, illiteracy among all sectors of the population was identified as one of the principal constraints to the socio-economic development of the country and as a consequence the government introduced a number of measures that resulted in the rapid expansion of educational provision. Universal Primary Education (UPE) was considered to have been achieved in 1981, but since then attendance rates have fallen steadily.
The government considered that primary education was necessary to raise the literacy rates among the people per se, but more pragmatically to improve the quality of life in rural areas. This view did not have popular support, as many parents and young people perceived that primary education was merely the first stage to secondary education and thus, the passport towards formal sector employment. However, similar increases in secondary provision were not contemplated by the government and the result was that although ever increasing numbers of young people achieved the required grades for entry to secondary school, only a very small number ascended the ladder. Currently the pass rate for Std VII finalists ranges between 55% and 65%, but only about 15% of these are selected to join Form I. Of those who progress to secondary education only about 18% (5,000) go forward to upper secondary, although 75% (4,000) of these gain a place at a higher education.
Educational provision and access to formal employment since independence can therefore be described as analogous to mapping pins recumbent on their base. In both instances the base represents those who attended primary school and intended by government to work in rural areas, undertaking farming and related occupations. The stem signifies the few who progress to secondary education and the opportunity for formal sector employment. The taper signifies progression to upper secondary and finally, as the point is reached, University entry.
Training for employment in either the formal or informal sectors takes many forms and is carried out in a variety of environments. Since Independence the government's economic policies have resulted in a diversification of provision. Some policies were aimed at strengthening the country's industrial base, while others were clearly part of the drive for rural development and attempts to stem urban migration. In addition, NGO's such as Church organisations and individual employers have made a valuable contribution by providing apprenticeships and semi-skilled training to young people.
Training for employment in the formal sector was until recently based on manpower planning and therefore supply-side driven. However, a recurrent problem with the governments 'supply' driven training policy, was an inability to adapt to the needs of the marketplace, which resulted in over capacity in some trades and shortages in others. Training in Vocational Training Centres (VTC's operated by the government, church and private organisations) emphasised the development of technical competencies and little or no consideration was given to management or enterprise skills. Attitudes are changing, for over-capacity in the formal sector has resulted in retrenchment and greater numbers of VTC graduates are forced to consider employment or become self-employed in the informal sector. The challenge for VTC's is therefore to equip students/graduates with the knowledge and skills necessary to operate effectively in the informal sector.
Support from the government over the years has also made provision for the training of young people for employment or self-employment in the informal sector through the establishment of Post-Primary Technical Centres (PPTC's), Folk Development Colleges (FDC's) and Nuguvu kazi programmes, while in recent years a number of NGO's (TYDEF, EDF, RYTE) and private institutions, have made important contributions.
Since the early 1970's increases in the birth rate coupled with improvements in health and social welfare, have not been matched by economic growth and as a consequence, unemployment and underemployment, especially among young people, has developed into a major problem. Frustrated by the perceived lack of opportunity in rural areas, urban migration has been the solution for ever greater numbers of young people. Here, faced with the stark reality of little or no opportunity to obtain formal employment, many turned to more resourceful methods of income generation. Some youths earn a subsistence living in the informal sector, while others resorting to crime and other anti-social activities. However, the government until quite recently has consistently maintained that youth unemployment was not a problem as there was employment for all in the village and attempted to repatriate them but without success.
As a consequence, prior to 1987 the government did not acknowledge the specific problems of the youth. The involvement of young people was implicit in government policies and campaigns that included, Education for Self-Reliance (1967), Health for Survival (1973), Food for Survival (1974), Musoma Resolution (1975), Universal Primary Education (1981) and Human Resources Deployment Act (1983) etc. Many of these policies failed to accomplish their objectives, in most cases due to a combination of poor planning and implementation. However in 1987 Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) produced a comprehensive National Policy on the rearing of children and the youth that concentrated on guidance and counselling, to combat what it considered to be anti-social behaviour, although issues relating to youth employment were not considered. The policy was however the precursor to the establishment of the Directorate of Youth Section in the Ministry of Labour and Youth Development, who are actively involved in providing assistance to Nguvu kazi youth groups.
The final comments to make in this introduction reflect on the premise that in the past many government policies were based on political ideology and a significant number failed to achieve their objectives. In part this can be attributed to one or more of a number of factors; political naiveté, a disregard for expert opinion, a lack of expertise, or the lack of a suitable knowledge base. Furthermore the implementation of policies were hindered by the proliferation of the state bureaucracy. To cite an example, responsibility for aspects of Education Training and the Youth is currently shared between three Ministries and within each Ministry the portfolio may be delegated to more than one Directorate. However, within a Ministry inter-directorate communications, roles and responsibilities and those between Ministries are not always clearly defined. The result has been that without effective communication, co-ordination and consultation duplication of services and a waste of finite resources has and continues to occur. In addition, within individual Ministries, top-down organisational structures impede efficient and effective operations as they suppress initiative and encourage procrastination.
The current aims of education in Tanzania today are little different from those defined by Nyerere in 1967. What has changed is that politicians have acknowledged the need to integrate and co-ordinate provision, thus maximising the financial, human and material resources available to the system and provide a cohesive programme of education and training for young people (URT 1993).
The current structure of Tanzania's formal education is based on 7-4-2-3+ (7 years primary, 4 years secondary standard ('O' level), 2 years secondary higher ('A' level) and 3 years + tertiary level) system. In recent years a number of studies by Special Committees (1983, 1987) and the UDSM (1983), have considered the feasibility of changing to an 8-4-4 system. Each has opted to maintain the status quo, citing the financial cost incurred in changing to be the principal constraint. However, the socio-economic value of the proposed change was acknowledged by each group. Leavers would be a year older and therefore more mature before progressing to secondary school, vocational training, seeking employment, or operating petty businesses in the informal sector.
To establish and maintain a profile of educational attainment, statutory testing was conducted at regular intervals (Std's IV and VII, Forms II, IV and VI). In primary Std IV and in secondary Form II, testing was principally for diagnostic purposes, while the remaining tests are administered at the end of each phase and are the principal instruments used to determine the pupils future direction, i.e. either up the academic ladder, into vocational training or the market-place. However, due to a logistical difficulties and a scarcity of funds, testing at Form II has been withdrawn. Testing at Std IV may soon be discontinued due to similar problems.
At the end of the primary phase, students are awarded a Primary School Leaving Certificate (PSLC) that represents in practice a certificate of attendance, as academic achievements are not recorded. The MEC policy is that academic achievement is not revealed to parents or pupils, a similar procedure is adopted with Form IV leavers who are not entered for 'O' levels or do not achieve the required grades.
Despite significant increases in enrolment rates both at primary and secondary levels, the quality of provision is deteriorating and is currently regarded as very poor. Increasing numbers of young people either drop-out of school early, or fail to achieve a creditable grade at the end of Std VII. Much of the blame for this is attributable to an under-resourced system unable to cope with the demands made on it. However there are more fundamental pedagogical concerns which need to be addressed, namely the content of the curriculum and methods of instruction. A recent government report commented that '85% of primary school leavers neither secure formal training courses, nor manage to undertake successful self-employment in the informal sector' but of greater significance to this study, the authors considered that based on the Std IV and VII tests, the system was unsuited to the needs of the learners, for they 'seem to have failed to examine mastery of those important skills which help school leavers earn a living in the informal sector' (MEC/MSTHE 1993). The conclusion is that the curriculum and the assessment instruments are designed to support the academic progression of the few who advance to secondary education, rather than facilitate the more pragmatic needs of the vast majority of primary school pupils destined for work in the informal sector.
One subject of direct value to would-be artisans in the informal sector should be science. But the general consensus among academics is that the primary science curriculum (Std IV to VII) is highly academic and is intended to prepare pupils for secondary education. The curriculum is devoid of practical examples denoting everyday application. At the secondary level a similar picture emerges and the emphasis is on the recall of knowledge rather than the application of knowledge. Practical science is limited to demonstrations to verify, rather than concentrating on investigation and application. In the past a number of initiatives have been piloted at both phases, but all have failed mainly due to political reasons. Critics consider that much of the blame for the inadequacies of the current syllabuses rests with Tanzania Institute of Education (TIE, formerly the Institute of Curriculum Development ICD), who traditionally operated in a vacuum by preparing curriculum and text books without consulting teachers or other professionals (TADREG 1995).
The comments about the educational system so far have been general, in an attempt to provide an overview of the system. The primary and secondary phases will now be examined in depth to determine the extent to which they support or inhibit a young persons development towards employment in the informal sector, although it is acknowledged that increasing numbers of graduates from tertiary and higher education are being forced to seek employment in this sector. Factors such as enrolment, supply-side and demand-side difficulties and constraints, the curriculum, institutional and organisational issues and current/future initiatives to assist educational provision are considered.
Increasing literacy rates through UPE was one of the governments principal objectives during the 1970's. However, in striving to fulfil this objective, rapid expansion has resulted in a plethora of long term problems, many of which are examined in the following sections.
UPE was considered to have been achieved in 1981 when 98% of 7 year-olds were enrolled for Std I. Since then there has been a steady decline in enrolment (only about 88% in 1992). More alarmingly drop-out rates are estimated to be in the order of 10-15% attributable to a number of factors both cultural and economic. Here the data shows that significant difference in enrolment rates exist between rural and urban areas, with enrolment higher in urban areas. A further factor to consider is the difference between enrolment and participation. One of the aims of the Education Act No 25 (1978) was to ensure compulsory enrolment of all 7 year-olds and failure to comply would result in the parents being called to account. This has led some parents to enrol their children to comply with the legislation, only to prevent or condone future none attendance. Therefore actual participation rates are somewhat lower than official statistics. Again this action is most apparent in rural areas where the demands of the shamba conflict with those of the state.
UPE was successful in increasing the enrolment rates of girls. In 1961 girls accounted for only 40% of new entrants, while ten years later although enrolment overall had increased by over 50%, girls still only accounted for 42% of Std I pupils. Finally, in 1985, gender equality was achieved, although a continuing problem has been that drop out rates among girls is significantly higher than for boys.
3.2.2.1 Buildings
3.2.2.2 Staffing
3.2.2.3 Resourcing
3.2.2.4 Class size
3.2.2.5 The curriculum
3.2.2.6 New initiatives
3.2.2.7 The administration and management of schools
In preparation for UPE, the government embarked on an expansion programme that involved building schools and the training of significant numbers of teachers. The programme, although it achieved its short term aim of UPE, has left a long term legacy of poorly built and equipped schools staffed by inadequately trained teachers.
These difficulties have not abated but become exacerbated. The latest estimates by the MEC are that 70% of the country's 10,400 primary schools are in a dilapidated state and the problem is most acute in rural areas where schools that were constructed using local indigenous materials are in danger of collapsing. Furniture in some schools is non-existent, in many totally inadequate due to age or a lack of maintenance, in the remainder of schools, insufficient due to the very large class sizes. (In some classrooms there are so many children that there is no room for chairs or furniture). In the majority of cases text books and other resource materials are either non-existent, or in need of replacement.
In less than 20 years the number of primary school teachers increased from just under 29,000 (1974) to over 98,000 (1992) an increase of 340%. Over 70% of these teachers are classified as grade C/B indicating that they are Std VII leavers who have received a maximum of two-years teacher training (many UPE trained teachers received only 8 months). The legacy is that current estimates by the MEC (1995) suggest that there are 35,000 inadequately trained teachers. The remainder are educated to Form IV level before undertaking two years training. Such a high proportion of Std VII level educated teachers has implications for the quality of provision, as these teachers do not possess the cognitive knowledge and skills necessary to enhance the quality of teaching and learning. In recent years the quality of educational provision has been further eroded by disaffected teachers. Poor training, remuneration and conditions of service present little incentive and as a consequence morale among teachers is extremely low, also unethical behaviour and absenteeism is relatively high. During the field study we found that a number of teachers were absent from their classes, not as the result of illness but to conduct/operate businesses which they considered to be more important, as they represented their principal sources of income.
These core problems are further compounded by a number of supply-side structural difficulties that have been highlighted in a number of studies (ILO/JASPA 1986, UNESCO 1987, URT, 1988 URT/ESRP II 1990, MEC/MSTHE 1993, MEC 1995). The URT report commented that 'although steps have been taken in recent years to improve the supply of teaching materials, basic classroom equipment and textbooks, in primary schools, severe shortages still abound'. These shortages are the direct result of a scarcity of funds, bureaucratic inertia and a lack of raw materials, (e.g. paper, ink etc). The scarcity of funds has been a recurrent problem, the bureaucratic inertia is in part due to the funding situation but the principal obstacle is the plethora of rules and regulations that permeate the process of curriculum development and text book preparation. The final complication is the distribution system which again suffers from burgeoning red-tape, ineffective communications and poor transport.
In logistical terms, class sizes range from 50 to 150 pupils with the average about 80 pupils. Such large numbers are counter productive to quality provision. Such large groups coupled with acute shortages of teaching materials and an overloaded curriculum (UNESCO 1987) dictate a reliance by teachers on the chalk-and-talk paradigm and this is likely to remain the case in the foreseeable future, for even if teachers were provided with training in other paradigms unless the number of children per class is drastically reduced they would be unable to employ them.
The structure of the primary curriculum remained largely unchanged between 1976 and 1992 when the 13 subjects were reduced to a core comprising of 7 subjects. The revised curriculum is intended to reduced illiteracy rates among the school population by emphasising the 3R's. Curriculum overload was considered to be one of the reasons why children failed, but in reducing the number of subjects this has merely shifted the load as much of the content of supposedly defunct subjects has been incorporated in the already weighty content of the core subjects.
The science curriculum (Std's IV to VII) in keeping with the other subjects is overloaded, highly academic and is intended to prepare pupils for secondary education. The syllabus is devoid of practical examples denoting everyday application. This has not always been the case, as science education pre-and post independence tended to stress the applied nature of the subject in terms of agriculture and health. This colonialist approach was abolished in 1964 in favour of academic or pure science. An approach that was subsequently reinforced by syllabus changes in 1972 and 1983. Other initiatives, that attempted to introduce an enquiry-orientated pedagogy were piloted, e.g. the African Primary Science Programme in the 1960's (Bajah 1981), while in the 1980's attempts to reintroduce Agricultural Science also failed (Reidmiller 1989). In both instances political reasons were cited as the principal excuse for their demise.
Mathematics is another important subject for artisans to study and the evidence suggests that as this subject requires the minimum of resources to teach it, pupils will receive adequate instruction from teachers.
One area of the curriculum that remains unchanged is ESR activities that in theory represent about 25% of the timetable. There is evidence to suggest that this figure is flagrantly exceeded in some schools especially in rural areas where shortages of teaching materials are most acute (TADREG 1993). These activities especially in rural areas are accorded little value by parents and pupils alike for a number of reasons and participation rates are low. In a recent study of rural schools 'pupils frequently play truant in order to avoid self-reliant activities' (TADREG 1993). The authors went on to describe that both parents and pupils considered such activities as exploitive for two reasons; firstly, pupils were not taught useful skills and secondly they did not see any tangible evidence of improvements to their school for their efforts.
There are proposals to introduce a subject called Work-skills in the near future but no details about the content or the subject or firm date for implementation has been issued by the MEC. Ministry Officials would only confirm that the materials were being prepared TIE.
Reducing the number of subjects, or introducing work-skills does not address the fundamental problem of curriculum reform, i.e. how to make the content of primary education more relevant to the needs of the client group. A number of international donors are actively assisting the primary phase, World-Bank, UN, CIDA and the Irish, but only DANIDA are currently involved in a major programme of curriculum reform.
Began in 1992 the Primary Education Programme (PEP) represented a concerted effort to develop a cohesive package of curriculum development that consisted not only of syllabuses, but was supported with classroom resource materials, teacher in-service and appraisal and finally, the construction and equipping of support centres. Permeating all aspects of the work was the need to provide a curriculum that would enable meaningful progression to be achieved from Std I through to Std VII.
In 1993-95, pilot projects began in two regions Mbeya and Zanzibar. The first stage in the process was to establish a rapport with the consumers, i.e. to establish the needs of parents through workshops designed to raise their awareness of issues and to encourage them to become active participants in the programme. Later pedagogical and assessment models were developed by in-country experts from the MEC and Faculty of Education UDSM. The current status of the programme is that it has been extended to include two further disadvantaged areas Rufiji and Meatu.
One of the principal constraints in this project is the monopoly on text book development by the TIE. The current MEC policy is that the TIE are responsible for all text book production and this represents a bottleneck in the programme.
Decentralisation introduced in the early 1970's was intended to foster greater participation in local decision making, but in practice this represents little more than an exercise in subjective democracy which has resulted in ambiguity and the mis-appropriation and embezzlement of funds by government officials (MEC/Mwingira 1995). Power lies with the REO's and DEO's who are representatives of central not local government, while the district councils are responsible for salaries and the allocation and distribution of funds to schools. The notion of involving the consumers in the educational process had, until recently not been considered an important issue by the government. Consumers were considered as passive recipients, even though they contributed 45% of the total expenditure (plus 10% from donors and 45% from central government).
In practical terms the growing dissatisfaction by the consumers are characterised by two recurrent and interrelated themes. The first is the notion of accountability, or in this case the apparent lack of it. The second is utilitarian and focuses on the concepts of value added and value-for-money. The following three scenarios serve to illustrate these points as they were either reported in the literature search or were supported by the findings of the field study. Poor parents forced to pay school fee's perceive that their money is not being spent to improve the quality of their child's education, so they begin to question the value of sending their children to school. Similarly, disaffected pupils frustrated and disillusioned with what they perceive as inappropriate learning experiences, vote with their feet and drop-out. The opportunity to conduct petty business or participate in other paid employment also exerts a significant influence on young people who are realistic enough to know that they have little or no chance of gaining a place at secondary school or a formal vocational training centre.
In response to comments and actions such as these and the continued decline in the overall quality of provision (and significant inequalities in provision between regions, districts and individual schools) identified by many commentators (Omari et al 1983, Ishumi 1990 and TADREG 1993), the government are currently considering a number of options to increase consumer participation (MEC 1995). Calls from international donors such as DANIDA for improved governance and more transparent decision making at local levels highlights the need for tighter controls of financial transactions and the reduction of waste, possibly by direct funding to schools. The empowerment of consumers through the formulation of school committees and boards is gaining credence as one of a series of measures that may be introduced to regenerate primary education.
3.3.1 Enrolment
3.3.2 Diversified provision
3.3.3 The academic curriculum
3.3.4 The promotion of science and technology
Educational policy in Tanzania has since the early days of independence represented something of a double edged sword. An educated population is an acknowledged pre-requisite of national development, at the macro level to cope and adapt to change, while on a micro level to provide the human capital necessary to successfully integrate technology transfer, to manage, operate and maintain new technologies and methods of production. Education by implication also implies empowerment and socio-economic status. An educated person has the capability to make reasoned judgements and to question the actions of those in authority, while their intrinsic and extrinsic expectations and aspirations are heightened.
To reiterate what has been previously stated, access to secondary education was restricted and closely aligned to forecasts of manpower planning. Secondary school graduates were guaranteed further training or employment by the state. However, as a result of political and economic liberalisation this is no longer the case. Regardless of this the demand for secondary education has continued to intensify and this has led to an increase in the number of private secondary schools. Current government statistics indicate that of the 13.6% of Std VII leavers who entered Form I, 5.9% attended government schools, while the remainder came from private schools (BEST 1993).
In gender terms, girls are under represented as the current ratio at lower secondary is 6: 4 in favour of boys, while at upper secondary this figure is further reduced. Studies by Malekela (1984), Lynch (1990) attribute the steady decline in participation to a number of factors; pregnancy, marriage, lower cultural aspirations and finally the poor performance of girls in the National Form IV examinations.
Under representation at secondary level is also linked to the policy of diversified provision, which in practice is culturally biased towards male participation, for statistics published as early as 1981 & 82 clearly illustrate that while there was an equal gender mix in agricultural schools, 45% participation in Commercial schools and 100% in Home Economics women constituted only 20% of the population of Technical schools. Current data (December 1995) provided by the MEC indicates that this situation continues, even though in the early 1990's the government began the transition towards co-educational technical secondary education. Enrolment data provided by the MEC for eight government technical schools, six of them co-educational showed the gender ratio was about 5: 1 in favour of boys. However, this figure is distorted, as no provision is made for girls to progress to Forms V and VI at the schools sampled.
The effects of political ideology and manpower planners has resulted in a variety of secondary provision, academic, diversified and technical. All institutions suffer to a greater or lesser degree from a lack of funding, teaching materials and a reliance on chalk-and-talk, or demonstration. Indeed many of the difficulties highlighted in relation to primary provision are equally true of secondary education, so there is no need to elucidate on them. The focus is therefore on diversified provision as many of the graduates of these institutions are destined for employment in the informal sector.
Diversified secondary schools were introduced in 1975 with funding from the World Bank and specialised in Agriculture, Home Economics, Commerce and Technical Education. The aim was to shorten the time taken to produce skilled labour by equipping the students with the knowledge and skills necessary to become productively self-employed in the rural and urban informal sectors. However, subsequent studies evaluating this form of pre-vocational training by the World Bank, considered them to be ineffective and withdrew their support. Middleton et al (1990), considers that the per student recurrent costs of Vocational and Technical Schools exceed those of academic schools by as much as 200% in some technical trades.
However some of these schools continue to operate although ineffectual, while the government's position is now aligned with the World Bank and there are proposals to reform them. A MEC/MSTHE (1993) policy document noted these institutions suffer from a combination of, supply-side structural difficulties, poor institutional linkages and a lack of employment opportunities for graduates and as a consequence recommended that they should be abolished. The same source considered that students completing these courses were deemed by employers and the government to be ill equipped to engage in productive activities in either sector, as a result of their studies, nor were they necessarily suited to enrolment in tertiary courses. Those graduates who were successful in gaining employment did so on the strength of their academic qualifications, rather than their vocational skills.
As part of the diversification programme a number of schools were designated as technical secondary schools. Their aim was different to the schools noted above, as they combined academic studies with technical education knowledge (in either, Mechanical, Electrical or Civil engineering) to enable graduates to either progress to tertiary education or gain employment as technicians in the formal sector.
Current enrolment is only about 4% of Form I entrants, nevertheless these institutions are considered to be fulfilling their objectives as many Form III students are entered for national examinations (Trade Test III) and about 75% of Form IV graduates continue their studies at tertiary level. There are currently 20 technical secondary schools, but the government propose to increase the numbers by converting a number of diversified technical secondary schools.
Only one curriculum area will be considered in this section, namely science which is taught through three separate subjects Physics, Chemistry and Biology. The curriculum is characterised by overloaded syllabi that are presented in a fashion which decontextualises the various topics making them appear abstract, rather than of relevance to the future needs of the students. The Physics and Chemistry syllabi were introduced in 1976, while Biology was revised in 1989. Attempts to reform the curriculum both in terms of content and pedagogy have been made, but like those aimed at the primary phase have failed for political reasons. The Secondary Science Project (SSP) based on the British Nuffield courses was first tried in 1968 but was withdrawn in 1971. The most recent endeavour was the World Bank funded, TIE developed Unified Science Project (USP) which ran from 1990 to 1994. This initiative in principle represented the opportunity to introduce radical reform in a holistic manner similar to the primary PEP project. In practice it was considered to be too radical, as it challenged long held beliefs among politicians, administrators and teachers about the elitist nature of science education and science teaching and in response to a number of reports, was abruptly cancelled by the Commissioner for Education (TADREG 1995).
What must be lamented is that the views of the consumer were not considered to be important. Quoted in the TADREG report, an inspector critical of the USP citing teachers perceptions about the new syllabi wrote, 'pupils were said to have found them too easy and their performance is better compared to the old syllabi'. At first this may be interpreted as evidence of the elitist attitudes held by science teachers, but this may have masked a more subtle message, that the pedagogy employed may have been more conducive to the needs of the students.
In relation to the current teaching of science, a study by Mushi (1992) into the teaching of Physics, found that in Form III out of a total of 78 periods only 18 were assigned to demonstration activities, while in Form IV only 2 of the 63 periods were designated for this purpose. More alarmingly was that over 40% of teachers were unable to identify any aspects in their schemes of work which attempted to contextualise the topic.
The final aspect to consider is the promotion of science and technology within secondary schools. The principal vehicles for encouraging the application of science are the Secondary Schools Science and Technology Exhibition and the Zanzibar Science Camp Project (ZSCP) which began in 1988. The project takes 100 young people and their teachers for a three-week programme of activities with the aim of developing, 'the kind of active, enquiry based education and science and technology that will empower the people and make these subjects more interesting and enjoyable' (ZSCP 1992). The aim is that these pump priming activities will act as the catalyst to change the attitudes of both the teacher and student towards science and technology.
A review of the literature yielded no evidence, that schools undertook any collaborative activities with businesses representing either the formal or informal sectors. Mushi's study suggests that this may be in part due to financial and logistical problems, but the overriding constraints are an overloaded syllabus and a consensus that such contact is irrelevant. Such an attitude although anticipated, negates the potential of schools to assist in the promotion and development of the informal sector.
Of more immediate interest is the interface between education, training and employment and the pathways towards employment in the formal and informal sectors. The diagram on the following page illustrates the opportunities and pathways for young people. The thickness of the line represents a crude quantitative indicator of distribution where two or more directions are possible. In addition the numerical data in the following narrative are based on the 1991 Informal Sector Survey. Apprentice or semi-skilled training that is undertaken in the workplace is indicated in the grey areas that denote the formal or informal sectors.
Formal sector employment - Informal sector employment
About 12% of informal sector operators (200,000), have not been enrolled in primary school and consequently their opportunities are constrained by their illiteracy and a significant proportion begin their working life by engaging in petty businesses and manual labour. Those who are successful manage to establish themselves as shop keepers, and other similar service activities. Some are more fortunate in that they gain an apprenticeship through the extended family system or, 'saidia fundi' (learning from the artisan) where they begin as either unpaid or cheap labour.
Primary school drop-outs follow a similar trend and account for around 23% of operators (150,000). In gender terms the ratio is 35% female and 65% male. Those who complete Std VII (350,000) in theory have a number of options, but in reality only a few enjoy the privilege of progressing to either secondary education, regulated vocational training, or teacher training. Of these 63% (220,500) join the informal sector immediately (50.5% female and 45.5% male) undertaking a range of activities similar to those already described. Only about 15% (40,000) of PSL progress to secondary education, while a further 22% go for training either vocational or teacher education. Discounting those who go for teacher education current estimates of capacity in vocation training institutions are listed below.
|
INSTITUTION |
CAPACITY |
ANNUAL ENROLMENT |
ANNUAL OUTPUT |
|
Predominantly training for the formal sector | |||
|
Technical Secondary Schools |
4,280 |
3,580 |
3,080 |
|
TAP Technical Schools |
8,000 |
2,000 |
1,700 |
|
Mission Trade Schools |
800 |
700 |
665 |
|
Vocational Training Centres |
2,860 |
2,926 |
2,140 |
|
SUB-TOTAL |
15,940 |
9,206 |
7,585 |
|
Predominantly training for the informal sector | |||
|
Post Primary Technical Centres |
11,000 |
5,243 |
3,570 |
|
Folk Development Colleges |
3,600 |
2,600 |
2.210 |
|
Other private provision (not specifically defined) |
2,340 |
915 |
895 |
|
SUB-TOTAL |
16,940 |
8,758 |
6,675 |
|
GRAND TOTAL |
32,880 |
17,964 |
14,260 |
Source: URT/MLYD March 1993
Based on these official statistics, only a small percentage (15%) of PSL can be accommodated in further education and formalised training courses.
Overall enrolment represents only 54.6% of capacity and there is clearly a preference for training that has traditionally been aligned towards formal sector employment, with the exception of TAPA schools. TAPA schools were popular in the early 1970's and offered trades training mainly in carpentry and masonry. Constrained by a shortage of funds some have closed down, while of those that remain, many now offer general secondary education. Therefore excluding TAPA schools, formal providers appear to be enrolling about 90.8% of capacity with a drop-out rate of 18%. In comparison to the informal providers where the figures are 51.7% for enrolment the drop-out rate is about 24%.
Trainees from the various training programmes whether regulated or non-regulated enter the labour market with little or no careers guidance or counselling. Institutions orientated towards the informal sector make little or no attempt to place their graduates in in-plant training, while institutions geared towards the formal sector are faced with a similar problem. There are in theory, mechanisms to provide guidance and support to secure in-plant training for trainees and to monitor their progress during this phase of their training, however, due to a number of constraints this process is not generally adhered to.
Of those who completed Form IV ('O' level) only 18% (5,000) gain access to upper secondary education ('A' level). Some of those who fail to achieve the requisite grades opt to undertake formal vocational training at VTS's. This trend is increasing due to the problems associated with retrenchment in the formal sector and is compounding the problems of PSL's.
Students from technical schools take a variety of paths. A small number of students go forward to 'A' level studies, while a similar proportion look towards the formal or informal sectors and seek employment as technicians. About 75% progress to technical colleges to study for Full Technician Certificate (FTC). A few will continue with their studies to diploma and degree level.
Based on these official statistics the following trends emerge. A great proportion of 'A' level graduates (75%) advance to higher education. The options for those unable to achieve this are either, direct employment in the formal or informal sectors, or in recent years as teachers (a small number attempt to gain employment as teachers in the growing number of private secondary 'O' level schools).
Secondary school leavers ('O' and 'A' level) both experience the greatest difficulty in adapting to the demands of the informal sector, as their expectations and aspirations frequently conflict with the reality of life in the sector. The 1991 IS survey indicated that secondary school graduates constituted only 1% of the total work-force. However, as the structural reforms and retrenchment exercises continue to curtail formal sector employment, this figure will increase significantly.
Provision may be classified into two types, regulated and non-regulated. Regulated provision is characterised by a structured programme of vocational and associated educational studies undertaken in an approved centre lasting between one and two years. At the end of the course students will graduate with a formal qualification. In contrast, unregulated training is totally work based, ad hoc in terms of structure, content and duration and no obligation is placed on the trainee to attain recognised qualifications.
The regulated training providers are; government, church and privately operated Vocational Training Centres (VTC's), Folk Development Colleges (FDC's) and Post Primary Training Centres (PPTC's). However, there are significant differences which are ideological and cultural in origin between these groups. The VTC's were established to provide skilled labour for formal sector industries, while the FDC's and PPTC's were introduced to enhance rural skills and combat urban migration. In terms of perceived status, parents and young people consider the VTC's to be the most prestigious, for not only, are they wage-labour orientated, but also the training is directed towards trainees acquiring Trade Test Grade III, a nationally recognised qualification. As a consequence, there is strong competition for places and entrance tests are employed as the principal selection mechanism. At the opposite end of the spectrum, the PPTC's lack public credibility due to a number of factors, not least the charter effect, as the PPTC training certificate lacks credence and the system is therefore under-subscribed.
There are four groups of non-regulated training providers; governmental and non governmental organisations (NGO's), small scale enterprises (including family subsistence groups) and Nguvu kazi activities. Training is essentially, learning by doing in the marketplace. Entry is through a number of routes; payment of training fee's to the NGO or owner, apprenticed to a relative or the friends of relatives through the extended family system and by association 'saidia fundi' helping the artisan. The final method is through co-operative means such as Nguvu kazi (self-help) groups who apply to the local authorities for land and to agencies such as the ILO or, Directorate of Youth for development funds and training to enable them to be self-reliant.
The discussion of training provision has so far been relatively general, differences having been discussed at the macro level, but what is important is to be able to compare training at the micro level to better understand its value, in relation to the trainee's capacity to operate effectively in the informal sector. The important distinction to make at this stage, is that the principal objective of regulated providers is to train young people for future participation in the workplace. This is not the case with the majority of non-regulated providers whose principal concern is production, and therefore training is perceived as an aspect of production.
The following is therefore a comparison of some of the key differences between regulated and non-regulated training that have emerged from the study. The comments are not to be interpreted as definitive, but as generalisations representing two ends of a continuum, as the two classifications are very broad and within each there are significant differences in provision.
|
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Regulated Training |
Non-regulated Training |
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Entry requirements |
Defined by a governing body in terms of qualifications and or, entrance examinations |
Little or no emphasis is placed on academic qualifications. |
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Fees |
All providers charge a fee, the rate is dependant on the type of institution. The highest being the VTC's. |
Little commonality among the providers. Some trades, such as motor mechanics charged a levy of between 2,000 and 5,000 T/sh to cover the lost or stolen tools. |
|
Gender policy |
Although no formal policies are in place, all the providers had adopted procedures to encourage greater female participation |
Dominated by male trainees, most of the providers visited operate a policy of discrimination against female applicants. |
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Curriculum
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The duration, syllabus, subjects, content, weightings and methods of assessment are all prescribed by a governing body. |
In nearly all the institutions visited the curriculum was not devised in advance but was ad hoc dependent on the work-in-progress. Similarly the duration of training was not related to any formal policy but was flexible, dependent on the trainees performance and market forces. |
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The curriculum is a mix of academic and vocational studies, devised to promote both personal and professional development. |
The curriculum is vocationally/production orientated that emphasising the development of practical knowledge and skills. Theoretical knowledge about materials, their properties and processes was generally ignored. |
|
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Training environment |
Training and instruction is undertaken in a range of specialist areas, classrooms, laboratories and workshops. Some providers also have a library. In the government and church VTC's the fabric of the buildings was very good and the range and quality of plant and equipment very impressive. In terms of the other institutions visited, provision varied from very good to abysmal. |
All training and instruction is carried out in the work place, frequently as part of the production process. In terms of the fabric of the building and the range of plant and equipment observed, provision (taking into account the specialist nature of the enterprises visited) varied from very good to abysmal. |
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Teachers/ instructors |
All staff were qualified, possessing either Trade Test certificates or, were qualified teachers certificates/diplomas |
With the exception of some NGO's, trainers generally had no formal qualifications. |
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Pedagogy
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The emphasis was on leading trainees through a series of cook-book exercises that afforded the trainee little opportunity for creative or, problem solving activity Great emphasis was placed on the correct selection and safe use of materials and tools. |
Training was incorporated in the process of production. What was learned depended on the work-in-progress and the capability of the trainee The acquisition of practical knowledge and skills was solely through learning-by-doing. The trainee would be shown how to complete a task, observed by the artisan/instructor. Little or no emphasis was placed on safety i.e. on the creation of a safe working environment, or on personal safety. |
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Little difference was observed in classroom interactions and relationships to those observed in school classrooms. The use of a wide diversity of educational resources (models, diagrams etc) to assist in the learning process was promoted in institutions equipped with them. |
The relationship was generally found to be one of master and men rather than teacher and pupil. Little or no recourse was made to books, models or other educational resources. In general most of what was taught was based on tacit knowledge. |
|
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Monitoring and assessing a trainees progress |
All providers employ a system of theoretical and practical tests as the principal criteria for monitoring and assessing trainee progress and is also used as the method for more formal assessment and accreditation. Trade Test grade III and above. |
Written records of a trainees performance were considered to have little value by the majority of the providers surveyed. Progress and capability were, to a greater or lesser extent determined by the nature of the enterprise and the level of instruction necessary to work unsupervised. In addition little or no emphasis, or value was placed on trainees gaining formal certification, e.g. Trade Test grade III or above. |
|
Preparation for wage/self employment |
None of the providers had forged meaningful links with local employers in either the formal or informal sectors. The majority of trainees had no opportunity to gain work experience prior to starting their in-plant training. Similarly, once a trainee had left the training provider no mechanisms existed to monitor the trainees in-plant training. |
There was overwhelming support for the notion that employment training provided by small enterprises and the like, was more appropriate to the future needs of the trainees. IS trainers were highly critical of the sterile environment and ethos of VTC's. Many expressed the view that they would not consider employing VTC trained journeymen as they lacked 'the knack', relying too much on procedural correctness and the book. |
A critique of all the regulated training providers will be presented in chapter 6 in the form of a series of case studies. What is worth noting at this stage is that although there are significant differences between regulated and non-regulated provision and within the providers in each category, there is currently one factor that permeates virtually all training provision, an almost total lack of recognition of the need to provide trainees with enterprise/innovation skills. In general terms, regulated training emphasises the development of knowledge and skills through procedural correctness, in contrast to non-regulated training where production, problem solving and getting the job done are stressed. Neither group places any importance on providing instruction in such aspects as, calculating the cost of a job, simple book keeping or methods of identifying possible markets.
Youths (15 - 30 year olds) represent the largest group in the population. The 1988 census estimated that there were just under 11.5 million youths which represented 46% of the total able bodied population. This percentage was expected to increase in the foreseeable future due to increasing birth rates.
The most pressing social problems currently facing Tanzanian youth are teenage pregnancies and school drop-outs, a breakdown in the traditional family group and the role of elders and the principal socialising agents, smoking and drinking and finally, potentially the most problematic, dependency and unemployment.
According to Malekela (1991), youth unemployment can be classified into two groups; primary school leavers not selected for secondary school education and secondary school leavers (Form IV and VI) who are unable to gain employment in the formal sector. The root cause of youth unemployment may be attributable to a combination of factors, the inability of the economy to absorb the rapid growth in population, a mis-match of skills, inappropriate technologies and a general failure of economic programmes to hone in on those activities with the greatest potential for creating employment.
Improved access to education has had a profound influence on the aspirations and expectations of the young and was one of the principal factors that influenced the rise in urban migration. Ishumi, et al (1985), studying the problems encountered by the youth identified four key areas; primary education was inadequate both qualitatively (in what was taught) and quantitatively (the inability to progress to secondary education), the aspiration and expectations of consumers were unachievable (secondary education, post-primary training followed by wage employment), disillusionment about their future employment opportunities (agriculture, petty business, livestock rearing) and finally, a lack of collateral (useful knowledge and skills, capital, tools or land). Ishumi also drew attention to the problems associated with youths living with their parents and the potential for some young people to resort to acts of hooliganism and banditry.
Over the years the government has been concerned about the socio-economic effects of migration, but the problem of urban migration needs to be placed in context, for the 1988 population census found that 81.2% of the youth still lived with their parents in towns or villages. The corollary is 2.1 million young people were fending for themselves. This implied that measures implemented over the years by central government to suppress migration had failed. However Malekela (1991), considers that many of these people stayed with relatives or friends in urban areas looking for job opportunities as 'hanging around in town seems to be the best option' in the eyes of many people to gain employment.
Two issues dominate the debate; discrimination (in education and employment) and pregnancy, '... customary law and traditional values continue to contribute to an environment which perpetuates inequality between men and women in almost all fields of life. Government efforts to raise the status of women have faced resistance. The Potential for fuller involvement and participation of women in national economic development does exist but as a human resource, remains to be developed' (URT 1988). There is evidence to support the notion that positive discrimination in favour of women has been a recently introduced in the civil service and parastatals, as many of the senior administrators interviewed in the course of this study were women. However, in education, training and informal sector employment participation is dominated by men (Mbilinyi 1990).
Many of the factors associated with gender issues in education have been discussed earlier in this chapter including unplanned pregnancies, but the drop-out among girls is increasing due to pregnancies and it is important to pause and consider the implications for the young girl. When a girl is found to be pregnant she is effectively expelled from school and for many education ceases as it is very difficult for the girl to return after the birth. Data supplied by the Directorate of Youth suggest that pregnancy among school girls is more common in rural than urban areas. More disturbingly, a report on rural primary schools implied that impregnation of young girls by teachers was a common occurrence (TADREG 1993).
The problem (according to an Officer in the Directorate of Youth) appears to be that the majority of girls living in the rural areas do not adhere to any family planning principles and that endangers their own life and that of the child. Girls learn more about child-bearing and child care, but not enough about family planning.
Post primary education, discrimination against women in entering vocational training is also apparent, as illustrated by the results of an NVTD 1991/93 survey. This found that out of a total of 400 girls who applied for placement at NVTD only 30% (121) were successful, compared to 95% boys (653). Fears about girls falling pregnant was considered to be the most plausible explanation. This negative attitude towards women is best described as 'societal attitudes are not yet tuned to craftswomen in factories' (URT 1988).
Unemployment represents one of the country's major socio-economic problems, and concerns have been expressed about the consequences of idle hands, but the current training capacity is incapable of satisfying consumer demand. In addition initiatives such as Nguvu kazi (1983) (introduced to stem urban migration) and current projects funded by the ILO, the Directorate of Youth and other NGO's aimed at promoting self-employment among youth groups have made little impact in reducing the numbers of unemployed young people.
To establish the current perceptions that the youth hold on matters such as education, training, current employment and future needs, a small survey was carried out in 5 different regions encompassing both the rural and urban areas of Dar es Salaam, Arusha, Dodoma, Coast and Morogoro.
The techniques used were, a random sampling approach coupled with a structured interview based on a questionnaire, conducted in Kiswahili. In selecting both primary school pupils and informal sector youths, some were picked from streets, while others were found at their place of work. Some of the youths approached refused to participate without giving a reason, while others consented to answering selected questions. As a result, the sample consists of 141 youths comprising 67 primary school pupils (34 males (52%) and 31 females (48%)) and 74 street youth (41 male (55.4%) and 33 female (44.6%)).
Two separate questionnaires were employed although there were a number of questions common to both groups. Common questions focused on the respondents primary school experiences, future aspirations and work experience. Questions that were aimed specifically at the street youth examined their path towards that sector, employment trends and finally their future needs.
3.7.1.2 Primary education
3.7.1.3 Aspirations and reality
3.7.1.4 Employment
The respondents were aged between 9 and 17 years of age, the average being 14 years for both gender. Academically they spanned Std III to VII and in terms of gender, their profiles were very similar.
Much has been written about the problems associated with primary education from an academic perspective. The object of this small survey was to find out from the consumers what they thought of school, how well it prepared them for the future, what they aspired towards and finally how they thought provision might be improved.
When asked which subjects they enjoyed most, 93% of male and 85% of female respondents opted hierarchically for, Mathematics, English, Kiswahili and Science. However, in response to the question which subjects do you think will help you get a job, a significantly different picture emerged that highlighted gender preferences. Over 90% of males elected Mathematics, English, Science, and Kiswahili, while a similar proportion of females expressed clear preference for English and Mathematics followed by and Science, and Kiswahili equally weighted.
The final question focused on improving the quality of primary education but only one person expressed a comment, 'improve the quality of teachers'. Their reticence might have been due to fears that the interviewer was some form of MEC informant and that any criticism of the system, may in some way jeopardise their chances of a place at secondary school, but this is just conjecture. Another, more plausible reason was that unlike the street youth, they had no outside experience to base their judgements on.
Asked what they wanted to do when they completed Std VII, 85% of males and 90% of females wanted to go to secondary school. Less than 10% of males wanted to enter into apprenticeship, 'that is our tradition, as every one at our home is a craftsman-fundi, grandfather, cousin brother...'. Under 3% of both gender mentioned petty business. When requested to make a realistic appraisal of what they could expect to do after completing Std VII, 50% of males and 45% of females still maintained that they would progress to secondary school. The remainder of respondents failed to answer this question. When pressed for an answer the young people expressed a reticence to admit to the reality of the situation, that they had little prospects of attaining their goals.
When asked if they considered that primary education prepared them for work on a five point scale from not at all to very well, over 55% of respondents agreed with the statements, not at all, or very little. However, a significant proportion of pupils (27% of males and 29% of females) did not provide an answer. Of those that thought otherwise, the principal justification was in equipping them with the 3R's, for many pupils identified the importance of communication skills and the need to learn Kiswahili, the lingua-franca.
Child employment to supplement the family income is a recurrent theme in the literature and the respondents were asked, if in addition to attending school were they also participating in either paid or unpaid labour. Only 10% of males and 13% of females admitted to working and a further 5% declined to answer.
3.7.2.1 Reasons for migrating
3.7.2.2 Education
3.7.2.3 Aspirations vs. reality
3.7.2.4 Sources of capital
3.7.2.5 Training
3.7.2.6 Working conditions
3.7.2.7 Future needs
The profile of this sample revealed that 54% of both genders was aged between 16 and 20 years of age. About 10% was aged 10-15 years and only one male was under 10 years of age.
The informal sector operators were mainly involved in artisan jobs (car mechanics and welding) and petty business. The petty businesses involved selling foodstuffs, used clothes, art/craft goods, 'mama ntilie', tie and dye, hairdressing, tailoring, shoe shining and car wash. When asked how well their businesses were doing most said not very well. A few served as bar/hotel attendants and shopkeepers. Two reasons were cited for working in the sector, failure to progress to secondary education and economic hardship. Unemployment pushed a good number of youths into small business enterprise with a capital less than 2,000 T/sh selling nuts and sweets. These vendors walked a long distance in a day as they move from one bar to another and sleep very late.
The majority of males (75%) and nearly 60% of females had migrated from up-country regions to DSM in search of work. (Mtwara, Rukwa, Mbeya, Iringa. Arusha, Kilimanjaro, Dodoma, Coast, Morogoro, Songea, Mara, Mwanza, Tabora, Singida, Kagera and many other places -but not from Kigona or Zanzibar). Of the remainder the trend was that they moved from district to district (rural to urban) within the same region. The majority of respondents had lived in the locale for 3 years, many with extended family or 'friends' and carried out a range of petty businesses and manufacturing activities.
Three principal reasons were cited by respondents as to why they left their rural homes for the city, seeking work, their parents/relatives had moved, or an unfavourable home environment. The reasons given by those who had migrated from up-country reveal significant gender differences. Nearly 80% of males were employment motivated compared to less than 50% of females. Family movement suggested no great disparity (19% males to 26% females) but over 25% of female respondents attributed their move to an unfavourable home environment compared to only 3% of males. Pregnancy, child abuse and taken as house girls figured prominently in their replies.
Pregnancy cases are not a new experience. Mbillinyi (1990) has urged the MEC to address the issue of pregnancy at primary school level. In the majority of cases ignorance is the principal factor yet the treatment they get from the school and sometimes the parents does not acknowledge this. For example, a girl from the Coast region who dropped out of Std VI (age 15) had this bitter experience to narrate seven years later (1995, aged 22). 'I got pregnant and expelled from school. My father expelled me from home and I had to come to DSM to the boy involved. The boy expelled me after the child's death. Now I am living with my friends.' This girl who is now a bar attendant was bitterly expressing her concern that she could not go home to her parents in fear of her father's ill treatment of her. It is worth noting that when a female describes her employment as 'working in a bar' this often denotes that she also operates as a prostitute.
Another girl initially began by saying that she was forced to drop out of Std V in Singida to travel to Dar es Salaam to serve as a house girl, 7 was brought to come and do house work', and subsequently, 'expelled by the one who took me from home, and I am now living with friends'. The girl, who was now selling local brew in one of the DSM local pubs in Manzese, then went on to say that, 'I was big and we were getting caned as kids in the school, therefore I left'. This quotation clearly illustrates two important reasons why she ended up working in the informal sector, the first was the alleged physical abuse from teachers followed by her expulsion as a house girl that resulted in her loitering, eventually resorting to prostitution. It also calls into question the responsibilities of teachers (the use of corporal punishment was noted in the TADREG 1993 study) and those who employ house girls.
A few respondents talked about running away from forced marriages or, parental remarriage creating an atmosphere where they were forced to leave.
Over 80% of the sample had completed Std VII (88% of males and 76% females), but only one (female) had completed Form IV. Of those who had dropped-out of school (14% overall), females dominated by a factor of 3: 1.
Asked why they dropped out, many respondents gave answers similar to those they had given for leaving home, but a number mentioned family poverty and the need to assist in income generation activities. One respondent explained that he was forced to leave school at Std IV and joined his mother in selling food in a ghetto, 'Mama ntilie at ferry station Dar es Salaam'. A few respondents (all males) left to be apprenticed to parents/family. One man told of being convinced by his father to abscond from education so as to assist him in his work as a mason. 'My parents shifted from Kilwa (rural) to town and they did not register me to any school. I had completed Std I only by 1988'. Now aged 26, the man expressed very negative feelings about this, not so much as a result of missing school but, of naiveté, as most of the money he earned while working for his father was taken by him. Consequently, he had run away and worked alone, when he felt he was competent enough.
The respondents were asked to comment about their primary school experiences, in particular what subjects they considered to be most useful in gaining employment, which subjects they enjoyed and finally whether their primary school education prepared them to get a job.
Asked about the subjects they considered most useful almost all respondents said Mathematics (48%), English (27%), Kiswahili (15%) and Science (11%). Those offering other subjects amounted to less than 1% of the total. Analysed by gender, patterns of preference appear not uncommonly found in developed countries. Mathematics was ranked first by boys (44%) compared to the girls 24% who considered Kiswahili more important (33%) as against only 21% for boys. The responses of both gender were similar for English and Science.
Further questioning revealed that Mathematics and English figure prominently in the aspirations of these youths, 'teachers were telling us that those were important subjects', 'Maths is the basis for life and many things', 'all secondary subjects are taught in English' and 'English, in case I travel to Mombassa and there are Wazungu around whom I fail to communicate to'. In essence then, the quotations suggest that primary school education reinforces two concepts; that Mathematics and English are essential for success at secondary school level and secondly that Mathematics and English are also likely to be essential in future life, in work situations and as one travels from one local language district to another.
In the responses about the subjects they found most enjoyable, respondents cast their net wider and suggested nine subjects, Mathematics (32%), Kiswahili (24%), English (18%), and Science (10%) with the others accounting for 16%. By gender the preferences noted for Mathematics, Kiswahili, English, and Science mirror those identified above. It is only when the other subjects are considered that 24% of the girls opt for the other subjects compared to only 12% of boys. Civics in particular is popular amongst the girls (10%).
On the basis of these results, respondents attributed a low ranking to science and this is of obvious concern. Why is Kiswahili considered higher than Science? Many responses to the question 'Why did you enjoy this subject, (i.e. Kiswahili)?' were linked with good teaching or the pupil's own competence. Conversely, this would suggest that teaching in Science may not be as good and that pupils' understanding was deficient, compared to Kiswahili. Extending this further, teachers may not have put strong enough emphasis on the usefulness of Science for future life and work. The study indicates that teacher competence in the area of Science may be inadequate, and this has implications for motivation and attitudes of pupils that may have lifelong consequences. The respondents appear to have very low opinion about the value of Science but as operators in the informal sector, primary VII leavers need to re-orient their perception, for Mathematics is vital, but Science is also essential for survival and innovation.
Only a small percentage of respondents (20% of males and 12% of females) said that they had worked while still attending school. After school was the most common time either for their parents/extended family or themselves. In gender terms females generally helped their mothers selling 'mandazi' (a type of bun), while the males where equally divided between family and self. Information about their method of payment and earnings was withheld by most respondents although those that did consent to reveal these things said 'by-the-hour', or 'until they had finished' and quoted wages between 1,000 and 5,000 T/sh per day (depending on the nature of the work). Indications of what the money was used for suggested a mix of family support, clothing and educational materials. Only one female mentioned luxury goods, 'watching videos'.
When asked if they considered that going to school had helped them get a job only 37% of males and 42% of females said yes. Their overriding reason was utilitarian; it had enabled them to, 'attend a 2 years course in Mbulu FDC where I obtained Trade Test Grade III', or gain employment, 'when I started working in this pub, I was asked to produce my std vii leaving certificate, of which if I did not have I would have missed the job'. In contrast those people who thought that going to school had not helped them get a job reflected how aggrieved many were at not being able to progress to secondary education, 'the level of education offered is too little to enable one to work in industry or office', while another lamented that 'I had 1 year of hard time at home without any job. Primary seven education is not needed any where, even the drivers this days are Form IV leavers, what can you talk about class seven leavers!'.
The final question asked them to comment on ways of improving primary education to better equip them when seeking employment. A wide range of answers were received that focused on, the training of teachers, improving the supply and quality of resources, raising the age or enrolment and extending the length of the primary phase to the introduction of technical primary schools. As one might expect, males opted for technical schools (35%) although this did have support from 20% of the female respondents. 'Teaching should cut across different skills; carpentry, fishing and masonry. Teachers should stop labouring us in cashewnut/coconut farms as this does not teach work skills after school' declared one youth, while a female considered that, 'may be we could do carpentry because you make and sell things, women these days do all types of jobs'. The most popular suggestion of the females and the second choice of the male respondents (both about 24%) was to improve the supply and quality of resources.
The need to re-educate teachers (and administrators) was clearly stated by two females who thought that, 'Parents should be involved in their children's education' and 'educate their children that primary education is not focusing on going to secondary school only', while 'teachers should avoid pushing into the pupils the idea that they should work hard so that many pass to go to secondary education. Instead they should encourage them to plan strategies for survival after finishing Class VII'.
Most of the respondents (70% males and 80% females) considered that while at school their principal aim was to gain a place at secondary school. Of these, over 70% of males and 80% of females equated this with formal sector employment. Only 15% of males and 7% of females considered going straight into an apprenticeship. The remainder focused on operating petty businesses.
In comparison to their aspirations the reality is that 63% of males and 5% of females describe themselves as artisans, while 90% of females are engaged in petty business (food vending) and bar work. There appeared to be no clear cut reason why the aspirations of the respondents had not been fulfilled. Comments from both genders were similar, ranging from failure to get into secondary school or vocational training either due to academic attainment or poverty, or opportunities were limited, to liking the work. The stark reality of life is encapsulated in the comments of one youth who welded radiators for automobiles, 'there is very little opportunity for me to join secondary school because my brother whom I depend on to get me even a chance in the VTC was expelled from work due to retrenchment'. Money or the scarcity of it, is also cited as the major justification for pursuing their current job.
Self-employment accounts for 50% of the female respondents compared to only 16% of males. However, males were found to be more likely to be employed by the parents or extended family (40% compared to only 11% of females). A number of people (16% males and 7% females) said that they worked for no-one which meant that they were Saidia fundi, i.e. assisting in the hope of payment and or future employment.
Those who were self-employed had gained the venture capital by one of three methods; labouring and saving, a loan, either financial or more commonly consumable goods for resale and thirdly, by support from the immediate or extended family. Male respondents favoured the first two options, while females expressed an equal preference for the second and third methods. One youth described in detail the process by which he and two friends gained capital, 'we collected waste metal/scrap to start with in making charcoal stoves. Later, we managed to sell our first products and shifted to buying good metal sheets from which we made better products'. Another, respondent involved in selling used clothes said 'we took the clothes on loan, sold them and paid back the loan'.
One of the crucial questions is how informal sector operators acquire their knowledge and skills? The survey suggests 6 possible methods; (watching others, trial and error, parents or other family members, employer, apprenticeship, self-taught) but in practice many people indicated that they had used a combination of these. Among the males watching others and apprenticeship accounted for 50% of responses, while watching others and self-taught represented 60% of female responses. Instruction by parents and other family members represented about 20% for both genders.
Youths engaged in informal sector activities work on average 6 or 7 days a week and between 7 and 10 hours a day and have spent less than two years doing their present job. About equal numbers of males work 6 or 7 days, while 52% of females work the fall 7 days. However some females (13%) only work 5 days. In terms of hours 20% of males and 35% of females said that they worked over 10 hours a day, although 27% of females also indicated that they worked 5-6 hours a day. As far as length of service can be measured there was little gender difference, with over 65% of respondents having served less than two years in their present job.
The young people were asked what they thought they would be doing in 3 years time. The answers ranged from don't know to very precise ideas. Over 50% of males (the artisans) thought they would be doing the same, but expanded, 15% didn't know and the remainder involved attempting to gain formal sector employment. In contrast only 35% of female respondents shared the same, but expanded ideal, and 35% considered that they would have changed to a different business. Far fewer females didn't know (5%), while the remainder looked towards the formal sector for employment.
When asked what they would need to assist them fulfil the goals identified above, 4 factors were identified; more education, specific technical education/training, money and premises/tools. Money was judged to be the principal requisite by 51% of males and 64% of females. Education and technical training was considered necessary only by the male respondents and accounted for 13% of responses. In gender terms the need for premises and equipment was about equal at 36%.
Pressed on the desire for money few could give sound reasons for their answer, i.e. as part of a future strategy for development. Similarly the few who cited more education did so without thought. This was not the case when people talked of training or premises, here many respondents justified their claims with rational arguments that were linked to improvements in the quality of service or provision they provided. One youth's comments succinctly describe this, 'I need some skill training, Mathematics and English and that Maths helps me in map reading especially when building modern houses and also some of my customers do harass me by speaking English'.
Other typical responses were; 'without training, one cannot practice skill on trial and error', 'commercial education was important to avoid loss during transactions of buying and selling'. Respondents from this group appeared to acknowledge that running an enterprise needs more than just the capital to set it up. Experience had taught them that in order to maximise their profits or develop, entrepreneurial skills/education was necessary.
The need for premises and tools was identified by many as a contributory factor to the effectiveness of their business. Issues of health and hygiene were raised by some of the female food vendors. One female wanted money to buy material and modify her working area 'as every customer who comes tells me that the shelter is dirty, the table is dirty' (her premises lacked a roof). Another said, 'I am currently doing my business in a corridor where there is a lot of disturbance, children play in the..., the Health Officer is on my neck every time.'
The survey although carried out with two different target groups highlighted a number of common themes; an emphasis on only four primary school subjects, the overwhelming demand for secondary education and the belief that this would enable them to gain employment in the formal sector. Secondary education is perceived as the panacea for the vast majority of respondents, who are astutely aware that structural adjustment and retrenchment has further fuelled the diploma disease. Increasingly the elite ('O' and 'A' level leavers) are applying for employment and training once the domain of the Std VII leaver, e.g. NVTC acknowledge that increasing numbers of candidates for VTC training are from secondary education.
The prominence given to English by respondents reinforces this notion, for although Kiswahili is the lingua-franca, English is the language of the formal sector employer and employee.
Other related issues are the function of primary education and the influence of teachers and parents. Nyerere considered that primary education was all that was required for the majority of young people to become useful productive members of society. However, a review of the literature revealed that although he considered the function of primary education was preparation for the world of work, the curriculum and the aspirations and expectations of many teachers and parents have not reflected this ideal. This survey supports this view, but the question remains, should the curriculum and these long held beliefs be challenged or encouraged? Would universal secondary education benefit pupils by equipping them better for employment or would it exacerbate the diploma disease? Based on the evidence of this study this would only lead to greater dissatisfaction among the youth as the entry requirements would be raised to compensate. The feasible solution is to realign the curriculum to prepare pupils for a working life in the informal sector. A pragmatic curriculum where the content addresses the needs of the sector.
Unrealistic aspirations of gaining a secondary school place prejudices their perceptions of the informal sector and reinforces the stigma of 'failure' on the part of those unable to progress. 'My father would harass me all the time saying, look at her, what do you think you can do in this world after failing primary VII exam?' Persecution and stigma resulted in this respondent leaving home and migrating to DSM. This apparent failure coupled with their attitudes towards employment in the informal sector appears to exert a significant influence on the young persons perception of self-worth, as employment in this sector is accorded little esteem. There is an urgent need to educate parents and teachers so that they acknowledge the reality of the current situation in Tanzania. To quote the final part of the above respondents comments, 'parents should be incorporated in educating their children that the objective of primary education is not only focused to secondary school'
