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3. Primary school classrooms in Trinidad

BACKGROUND:

Based on the previous findings concerning within-class success of girls in all subjects and at primary and secondary school age levels, qualitative observations were undertaken in a range of primary schools. Five primary schools were selected as case studies. The schools provided a range of the available primary schools within one urban area. The schools were government funded and included those maintained as non-religious and religious. Parental choice of school was based on religion of the family concerned, proximity to the school, and other preferences (possibly due to previous CEE results) of one school over another. Classes were observed between May and the following April. Observations began when the children were in Standard 4 (children aged 9 to 10 years) classes and followed a majority of them as they moved to Standard 5 (the top classes in the schools). Criteria for the initial selection of classes were: one class per school, each class should include children from across the attainment range (mixed ability class) and classes should be co-educational.

THE SCHOOLS:

SCHOOL 1: PRESBYTERIAN MAINTAINED:

School 1 had a reputation within the local community for the high performance of its pupils on the Common Entrance Examination. This reputation had been built-up and maintained over a number of years.

SCHOOL 2: ROMAN CATHOLIC MAINTAINED:

Like School 1, this school was located in a densely urban area. The children attending were predominantly Roman Catholic. Because of its location, the school drew upon families where the wage earners were predominantly semi-skilled or unskilled.

SCHOOL 3: MUSLIM MAINTAINED:

As its religious orientation defined, the pupils attending School 3 were predominantly Muslim. The school was in the same general location as the other schools and had a mosque attached. Inclusion of School 3 was made in the knowledge that earlier representative research in Trinidad (Jules & Kutnick, 1990) showed only one sub-sample of students in which males achieved higher within class attainment scores than corresponding females; this sub-sample was among children who were Muslim and at Form 2 (secondary school level).

SCHOOL 4: GOVERNMENT MAINTAINED SCHOOL:

School 4, again located in the same area as the first three schools, drew children from a variety of backgrounds. This school was a non-religious maintained school and there was little to distinguish it from the other primary schools.

SCHOOL 5: ANGLICAN MAINTAINED:

School 5 was in very close proximity to School 1 (within a five minute walk). The school was government supported and maintained by the Anglican church. Pupils attending the school were of a variety of (mainly Christian) religions.

OBSERVATIONAL TECHNIQUES, INITIAL ANALYSIS OF DATA AND PRESENTATION OF RESULTS:

As described in the chapter on secondary schools, a full-time trained research officer observed in the five schools. The researcher spent approximately three weeks in each classroom and then rotated to the next school. Once observations were completed in each of the five schools, the cycle of observations was repeated.

Data from the case studies was recorded as field notes. During the recording period, initial analyses showed that the categories of Teacher Behaviour, Pupil Behaviour, Classroom Management and Teaching and Learning were relevant groupings. As the researcher continued (through progressive focusing and reflection) recording centred on classroom activities that would provide information within the analytic groupings.

Each case study was analyzed within the above analytic groupings and a number of summary points were drawn from the data. The following section reports on the major summary points. The points are illustrated by reference to particular schools and observations. All of the indented portions of text present either direct quotations noted by the researcher or reflective summaries of the observations made by the researcher. All school, teacher and pupil names are disguised to maintain confidentiality.

ANNOTATED SUMMARY POINTS:

1. In the five classes observed, the distribution of boys and girls -was uneven. Some classes had a higher proportion of boys to girls and in other classes there were more girls than boys. In the Standard 4 year, there were no significant differences in the attainment of boys and girls in any of the classes. In the Standard 5 year, many of the top performing boys and girls were 'streamed' off into top performing classes in many of the schools. The observations continued in mid-stream classes which now contained an influx of new boys and girls to fill the vacated positions of the top performers. With the new distribution of boys and girls in the classes, there were still no significant attainment differences between boys and girls although there were a number of actions and interactions that separated boys and girls.

Teacher Behaviour:

2. All teachers observed maintained a didactic control of their classrooms. Control was used with regard to knowledge and behaviour. Knowledge and behavioural control were asserted through positive and negative reinforcement. Negative reinforcement was seen most frequently.

The combination of knowledge and behavioural control were seen in the frequent question and answer sessions - the predominant teaching style in all five classroom observed. An extended example of such a session is provided from School 1 in which pupils had to raise their hands and wait to be called upon before they could answer the many teacher questions posed. When called upon by the teacher the pupil had to stand and provide the appropriate answer. There were many opportunities for feedback in these question and answer sessions, but the teacher gave little praise for correct answers. She tended to criticise incorrect answers:

T
Adam are you finished with number two? Close your books and sit up. Vishal tell me the number that can go into the numerator and denominator.

Vishal
6.

T
Right (but no praise from teacher).

Teacher writes on board while Vishal breaks down the answer.

T
Those who did not have 1/3 stand. (Teacher hits Alex on the shoulder)

T
Shaun stop copying both of you! (Teacher hits Andre and scolds Lorie)

Lorie
But Miss, I was not here yesterday.

T
Renaldo, what is your problem? You know that your problem is your tables!

T
Those who are finished with number two put up your hands (hands go up). Those not finished, hands up. You have one more minute.

T(to Savita)
You copy too much. You must make an effort on your own time. What factor can go into the two numbers (second question), Dale?

Dale
3.

Teacher writes answer on board as Dale breaks it down.

T (to Adam)
How did you get 4/12? 9 into 36, 4 times and 4 into 48 is twelve. (She slaps Adam.) Do it over!

T
Andre what factor can go into both 18 and 72?

Andre 6,6 into 18 is 3 and into 72 is twelve.

T
Can we go lower?

Andre
No.

T No?

Other students answer that 3 can go.

T
Savita, what can go into 12 and 60?

Savita
6 (the right answer).

T
How many times does it go into 12?

Savita
2.

T
And into 60?

Savita
(no answer)

T (loudly)
Your problem is your tables. All you like to do is sit down and copy. You must work on your own.

This quote provides a flavour of the speed of the question and answer sessions, the lack of praise for correct work and lack of help offered to pupils who have trouble with their work. Speed of questioning and need to provide the correct answer dominated the classrooms. While observing in School 3 at one point, the researcher reported: "This man is teaching so fast that I can barely get anything down!".

Children understood that there were rules to be followed in order to participate in these classes. Occasionally, a child who was eager to answer a question would shout the answer without being recognised by the teacher. Speaking out of turn usually brought a reprimand from the teacher and recognition of the misbehaviour by the class, as exemplified in School 2:

Sergio had just called out a correct answer to a mathematics problem.

T
That was good, but you didn't raise your hand.

Class
And he didn't stand up!

When children did not pay attention in class or misbehaved, teachers were quick to identify who was misbehaving. A range of punishments were threatened or used. The teacher in School 2 threatened to use a boy's own belt for corporal punishment. The teacher in School 3 used a lot of sarcasm:

T
Look at the subject of the verb and tell me what you observe. Simon? Simon gives no answer.

T
That is why he can not answer. He is not observing anything. There is a difference between the subject on the left and right hand comer. Zaheer, can you see it?

Zaheer smiles and says no.

T
Mesad tell him.

Mesad
One side is singular and the other is plural.

T
Those that carry the verbs with's', is it singular or plural? Carlos?

Carlos
Plural.

T
You don't know, you busy rubbing your nose. (The teacher is very impatient with wrong answers and certain pupils.)

T
Let me hear Ria.

She gives no answer.

T You don't know, you're not listening at all.

If the teacher felt that a pupil was not paying attention, he had them kneel in front of the class or threatened to send them to the Principal's office. Later in the observations, the researcher made the additional comment: "I think that the teacher's impatience and sarcasm is scaring some of the children from answering".

The quotes that involved control showed that boys were most likely to have their behaviour criticised, a finding that characterised all classes. Sometimes the boys were spoken to at a general level or the child was simply referred to as 'boy' (as found in School 4:

T
Boy! You always show off. That behaviour is not going to land you anywhere good. You want to end up in post-primary (extended primary level education for those who fail their Common Entrance Examination)?

Other times, when a number of pupils were not paying attention, the teacher selected a boy and used him as an example to the rest of the class:

The teacher begins to hand the books out. The class is noisy and Kareem is making a loud noise.

T
(to Kareem) You don't know me, you know. I was real pleasant today. Now this in a workplace (she is speaking very sharply)... you had a lot of maths wrong didn't you? Now sit down and do it over... Barry, you talk more than you need...

In another incident:

Each child has their book corrected and they go back to their seats. Marvin has a ridiculous wrong answer which the teacher repeats for the whole class to hear.

The above points may not appear significant individually, but the transcripts consistently showed that the boys were used as examples of poor academic work and behaviour.

3. Most of the teachers showed a preference for working with particular pupils or particular types of pupils. Children related to the teacher received positive attention. Teachers also showed preference for working with high attaining children; girls were often found in this grouping. Traditional practices of question and answer and correction of pupil written work allowed high attaining pupils most of the quality access to teacher time.

Within the observations, there were two children found to be related to the teachers. In School 3, Salma was the niece of the teacher and in School 4, Avion was the teacher's daughter. Whether by ability or encouragement, both of these girls were found in the very top attainment levels in their classes. They were not punished in any of the observations, and the other pupils in the class commented (to the researcher) that these children were treated preferentially.

These girls were part of the larger group of high attainers in their classes, a group that received more feedback from their teachers and the feedback was more likely to be positive. The teacher in School 1 showed a very different approach to low and high attainers in a question and answer session:

The teacher had written five mathematics questions on the board. After ten minutes...

T
Let us correct... First question. Jason, what to do?

Jason stands and tells her how to do the sum.

T
Who had it wrong stand.

Andre, Ariella, Sunita, Stephen, Candice, Kavita (all mid and low attainers) had it wrong. Teacher asks each child what happened.

T
Andre, where is your working column?

T
Sunita, you know what is your problem? Tables.

T (to Candice)
I want to see your mummy. You don't know your tables. (She tells Candice that something is wrong if she can't divide by 4.)

Pupils look around at Candice and the child stands and looks put off. Teacher explains the sum but reprimands Candice all the while.

T (to Kavita)
Put your work in columns and do it over... (to Stephen, she pulls his ear) Your tables!

T
Sunita, second sum.

Sunita stands to answer.

T
Who had it wrong?

Machel (high attaining, male) stands.

T
I am sure you had a stupid mistake.

Machel
Yes, Miss.

(Researcher's note: JUST LOOK AT THE DIFFERENCE IN THE TEACHER REACTION. IT IS OBVIOUS WHO SHE BELIEVES CAPABLE AND WHO SHE DOES NOT.)

In School 2, the preference was towards the high and middle attaining pupils (both boys and girls). The teacher corrected these pupils' books more frequently than the low attaining pupils. These pupils were the first to complete and submit (to the teacher) assigned classwork. As lower attaining pupils took longer to complete work and could not be given 'corrective' feedback or positive reinforcement for good work because the teacher was already working on high attaining pupil submissions. Positive reinforcement was tangible in this class. The researched noted the following with regard to work submitted that was correct:

If they do well, the teacher marks super in their books and a large pumpkin, heart, etc..

In the same class, when low attaining children made mistakes in their classroom responses the teacher often ignored their inability to answer correctly. When a high attaining pupil was incorrect, the teacher reviewed the work for the whole class.

While girls were only part of the high attaining group in each class, it was these girls who were focused upon as indicators for progress in class. The teacher in School 4 used high attaining girls as a measure of assessment for the capabilities of the class:

She checks Ramona's, Avion's and Josani's book to see if the exercise was too difficult for the class. She tells this to Avion (the teacher's daughter) These appear to be the pupils that the teacher has chosen as the benchmark to assess what can and what can not be done.

Girls were acknowledged by the teacher as those who consistently performed well in class:

T
Why is it that you can always depend on the girls? (She points to where a group of boys are sitting and says mockingly).. Look at the hard-riding men of tomorrow!

There are giggles and laughter in the class.

Preference and control were asserted in the negative statements made by the teacher in class. In School 1, the teacher 'put-down' male pupils for inappropriate behaviour, and at the same time disparaged their academic efforts:

T
All right, settle down.... Dale (male, low attainer), you know your mouth 'ent' shut up yet!

T
Dale, I can imagine what you wrote in your book. You're not even looking over. If you are finished take out your reading books. Sholan (male, low attainer), shut up 'nah' boy! You finish? Of course not, you talk too much.

The teacher in School 3 allowed the researcher to interview some of the children during class time, but only sent girls. He stated: "She doesn't want any bad boys with her, she wants girls"! (The boys referred to came from all attainment levels in the class.) In another instance, the teacher pointed out to the whole class that a high attaining boy did poorly on a mathematics quiz! Only boys were sent to the Principal's office for punishment.

This summary point shows consistent preference for high attaining pupils, especially girls. No reference has been made to the teacher in School 5 thusfar; she took a very different approach to her class. If a preference existed for this teacher, it was for the support of the lower attaining pupils. To answer questions she called upon an equal number of boys and girls, high and low attainers. She gave all pupils the opportunity to answer fully. When the child answered correctly, the teacher gave a compliment:

The teacher asks the class what are the prime factors of 9 and 15.

T
Let me hear Jevon.

Jevon answers correctly.

T
Beautiful, Jevon.

The teacher explains higher common factor concept to class and repeats what Jevon told her. The teacher puts another h.c.f. sum on the board.

T
Cleon, come.

Cleon does the sum correctly and the class claps for him.

T
Beautiful. (Cleon looks pleased.)

Even when a pupil had some difficulty:

The teacher puts another sum on board. Hands go up.

T
Christian (female, mid attainer).

The girl starts correctly then stalls. Hands go up around the class.

T
Give her a chance to think. The girl has to use long division in order to find the prime factors of 12.

Pupils start laughing and the teacher begins to smile. Eventually Christian works the sum out.

T
Thanks, Christian.

When the pupil can't finish, the teacher gives the child a chance to work the sums out at their own pace. The teacher is very encouraging.

T
Everybody gets the chance to do one.

Pupils enthusiastically take out their maths books.

Particularly with low attaining pupils:

Faith (female, low attainer) got the entire question wrong. The teacher explains the answer for her in a nice way.

When the pupils answered questions in their notebooks and corrected the answers in class:

After the first correction, the teacher asks if anyone had the answer wrong in their book. She checks the books without reprimanding the pupils... The teacher often deals with the low attaining pupils (answers) first.

4. Teachers, generally, did not take responsibility for improving pupil performance except through the immediacy of question and answer sessions. Teachers' explanation for persistent low attainment often involved low parental interest or capability. A preference for supporting the low attaining pupils meant that class progress would take place at a different (possibly slower) pace from parallel classes; this difference in pace may be perceived as a 'threat' by other teachers.

Question and answer sessions (described above) affirmed that low attainment pupils were not able to participate effectively, especially boys. The disparagement received by these children, especially in School 1, sometimes focused on (and named) a child, but often just referred to the child as 'boy' ("Shut up, boy!"). Disparagement of pupils was not limited to low attaining boys. The teacher also 'put down' low attaining girls, but not as frequently as the boys. Incidents causing this control and telling off appeared equally in response to the pupils' lack of academic learning and misbehaviour.

Teachers' perceptions of parents tended to be negative and expressed in association with the under-performance of the child. At the start of the Standard 4 year, a number of parents could not accept that their child had not been placed in the 'A' stream (the top stream in the final primary school year). The researcher said:

Earlier the teacher told me that one of the hardest things she had to face is parents who can't accept the fact that their child may not be able to do the work in a particular class. This is one of the reasons that pupils left her class and went to Mr A's class. They believe if he teaches them they will pass for (prestige secondary) schools.

If the parent becomes upset when they realise that their child may not be 'bright' enough for the 'A' stream, confrontations were likely to occur:

The teacher raised a point of parents being a problem if they cannot accept the ability of their child. She says this comes up if a child is placed in a 'B' or 'C class as they may not be able to keep up in an 'A' class. It is also a problem when teachers have meetings and want to discuss problems a child may have with the parent, hi such cases the teacher may get no co-operation from parents and the 'best' thing cannot be done for the child.

One father was so upset by the low stream of his child that he came and 'cursed' the teacher. The teacher said:

...teachers really can't help children who have parents like that because even if the children needed assistance the parents will resist and then the pupil's attitude changes. Pupils even start to resent the class they go to and they may resent the teacher.

Parents appear to be seen as the silent supports of pupil attainment. If they do not support the teacher (or teacher's approach) then a child's lack of attainment would not be considered in terms of what the teacher could have done for the child but where the parents failed.

In contrast to the previous teachers' approach (or lack of approach) to their low attaining pupils, the teacher in School 5 made it her responsibility to encourage her low attaining pupils. Often, the teacher would slow the pace of the lesson if one or more of the low attaining pupils did not understand. The teacher would work with both boys and girls who were not attaining well. The effect of her approach, even during a question and answer session, was an eagerness to participate - even if pupils did not get the answer correct. The researcher commented:

During the session the atmosphere is one of anticipation, excitement and participation. The pupils seem to enjoy working out the sums even when they may have got it wrong.

If a pupil was persistently wrong, even with coaching in the class, the teacher might ask if another pupil would help the low attaining child during lunch or recess. The teacher told the researcher that she often came into conflict with the other (now standard 5) teachers. She felt that her class could not keep up with the syllabus. Her children needed more 'basic' work. The other teachers thought that they were being criticised for not teaching properly.

5. As discussed in the summary of secondary schools, 'teacher-less time' occurred frequently in a number of classes. If the teacher did not leave the pupils with definite work to be undertaken during teacher-less time, misbehaviour occurred. When teachers were present and concerned with the class, or if teacher-less time was planned, children remained well behaved in the classroom. Also, a rigid and authoritarian teacher presence was likely to inhibit pupil participation in class.

Pupil Behaviour:

6. Boys and girls had little to do with one another in the classroom or the playground. Boys and girls presented different classroom strategies. Girls (of all attainment levels) spent more time on-task, were less likely to trouble the teacher and showed solidarity among themselves. Boys rarely worked with one another, did not complete homework as often as girls, were usually those told-off for lack of concentration or misbehaviour and received all of the corporal punishment. Classmates would not help boys if they were not able to answer a question, but girls attempted to help other girls.

The predominant teaching style of question and answer engaged the child as an individual. Boys and girls worked separately in the classroom. There were few opportunities in which they were asked to work together. Working as an individual left the child 'alone' when he or she could not answer a question for the teacher. Boys rarely attempted to help each other when they could not answer a question. The researcher described boys standing at their desks and looking down rather than at the teacher. When girls were unable to answer a question, they often looked around the classroom and received a non-verbal (eye-to-eye) contact that may have supported an attempt to answer.

The example of girls helping each other was found in all classes, during class time and during teacher-less time. In School 1, girls spoke to the researcher about their learning activities and the researcher reported that girls showed more interest (than boys) in the class. They were concerned about other girls in the class. During teacher-less time, they shared answers with one another and read together. Some of the girls would telephone others to discuss homework. Girls rarely teased one another. During recess and play time, girls were often found walking around the periphery of the playground and talking among themselves. In the question and answer sessions, when girls gave a correct answer they often smiled at friends. If a girl was unable or unsure of providing an answer, she tended to look around and often received supportive contact which encouraged the attempt to answer. Similarly, in School 2 during recess or lunch the girls were likely to stay in the classroom. During this time girls across the attainment range would talk to each other or read. Girls could talk to the teacher if she was not too busy. Girls' solidarity was shown in sharing food and drink and offering sympathy and support for one another. The sharing of experience and information was especially evident among top attaining girls (School 3 and School 4).

Boys did not show solidarity. Their non-classroom activities were dominated by playing with toys or in organised games (like cricket). Boys were not observed helping each other. Boys were most likely to be criticised for being 'off-task' during class time, as shown in the following table from School 1:

Table 3.1: Observed incidents of off-task behaviour by pupils during summer term in School 1 (in class there were 17 boys and 12 eirls)

ATTAINMENT/ Sex of pupil

HIGH

MEDIUM

LOW

Male

8

15

23

Female

3

5

5

In the few incidents of classroom teasing, boys teased girls. At times, there was some aggression between boys and girls; one example was fighting over a particular book. Girls never retaliated against the boys.

At best, the observations showed that boys and girls tolerated the presence of each other and teachers did not attempt to have them work together collaboratively. Even their approach to school work was distinct for boys and girls. Misbehaviour was mainly displayed or attributed to boys. Girls spent more time on task in class and outside of class. The children also realised that they approached school work differently. In one example from School 3, the researcher noted:

Yesterday, as I spoke to Natalia (female, high attainer) and Salma (female, high attainer). They told me that they don't wait until it is test time to learn their work. Kahlil (male, high attainment) still waits until it is test time.

As a result of these observations the researcher wondered:

If there are boys and girls having problems with the work, who is more likely to make the effort to understand the work? Kahlil (male) is considered bright, but Salma and Natalia are willing to make the extra effort. Carlos is also intelligent, but is not willing to make the effort.

Children in some of the classes were asked to note classmates that they would like to work with (a sociometric measure). Analyses clearly showed that boys and girls chose not to work with the opposite sex. Girls tended to chose other girls in a similar attainment level as themselves. Boys chose other boys, but from a range of attainment levels.

7. Reading habits were strongly differentiated by sex and attainment of the pupils. Girls, especially mid and high attaining girls, read fiction and fantasy stories. Boys of all attainment levels were found reading informational books, often with large pictures and little to read.

From the beginning of the observations, the researcher found that boys and girls chose different books to read in class and spare time. In School 1 (also characteristic of the other schools), the difference in book choice was shown in their strategy for book selection in the library; the boys were mainly found in the reference section:

The teacher tells the class to go to the library to change their library books. The boys instinctively go for the reference section. Renaldo, Zaheer, David are looking at pictures from a 'Lets Discover' (1/ The Sea 2/ The Earth 3/ People from Long Ago) series. They are attracted to the pictures. Girls are in the classics and fairy tales section and are reading. Navendra, Adam, Lorie and Sean (all males) are looking at a book on aircraft. The book has a lot of colourful pictures. There are short paragraphs to read which accompany the pictures. They are not reading the paragraphs - only discussing the pictures. The girls are looking at Enid Biyton books. Zaheer (male, high attainer) tells me he likes some Enid Biyton books. 1.12: Library session over.

The differences in reading choice (above) focus on male and female pupils. There was also evidence that the higher attaining pupils read a greater number of books. They would also read books which were more difficult. The researcher noted:

Spent the morning checking library rosters.

Weak girl: Savita: only 5 books borrowed for the term.

I asked the librarian why she thinks one child only has 5 books and she says Savita waits until the class comes to the library to change books. More avid readers will come to the library during their free time and will have more books on their roster.

I use this exercise to test a theory to see if girls who don't do well in class are unenthusiastic about reading.... It appears that whether or not a child likes to read is a less important factor than the quality of the books read. The books the weak pupils borrowed, though large in number, were really simple books full of pictures and not suited to their age group. The stronger children borrowed more difficult books.

8. Children found themselves in competition in most of their classes. Teachers thought this competition was productive for learning. Children showed: a resignation that only certain pupils would achieve the top grades, embarrassment (and crying) for low grades, an unwillingness to enter the competition if she/he was not sure of the answer and suspicion among competitors. Children had a clear knowledge of their attainment levels.

In the most extreme example of competition in class, the teacher in School 4 divided her class into three groups. During question and answer sessions children could obtain points for their group by answering correctly. If they misbehaved, though, a point might be deducted from their group. While the teacher told the researcher that she expected 'fair' competition between the groups, observations showed that not all children participated and some children felt the grouping was unfair. In the class, the teacher placed all of the high attaining children in group 'a', and group 'a' was most likely to provide the correct answers in class. In groups 'b' and 'c' children's involvement was less than could be expected. Overall, the children competed to provide answers. At the same time, the class knew that the 'a' team would receive the most points. Teams would cheer if they received a mark, but were anxious if the team failed to receive a mark:

...if any one pupil misses a question, benchmates would chastise the child. All pupils who were asked a question appeared more concerned with not giving the wrong answer than giving the right answer. Some don't answer if they are unsure. This is very difficult for them, especially since their team-mates are looking at them expectantly. If they answer incorrectly and other members of their team had the answer, the child will be chastised.... Problem: Kimberlee and Marie have given wrong answers but have pointed fingers at Tammy and Kieron (on another team) for talking and these pupils lose points for their team!

Team competition replaced interpersonal competition that characterised other observed classrooms. Individual personalities did not appear in this class. Children knew who were the high attainers: Avion (the daughter of the teacher) and Leon (the class prefect). The class also knew who were low attainers: Lulumba often had no book, no homework and was afraid to answer questions. Classmates did not want to share their texts with Lulumba.

Competition in the other classes was found in the constant question and answer sessions and quizzes that the children undertook. Especially when quizzes were completed and graded, children quickly became aware of how their performance measured against their classmates. They were asked to read out their scores to the whole class and the teacher (or a classmate) was likely to comment on these outcomes.

Classroom Management:

9. By the time that observations began in May of the Standard 4 year, the children had a good grasp of school rules and generally conformed to them. Rules required pupils to enter class in an orderly fashion, wait to be recognised before making a contribution to class and to respect the teacher and classmates. The assertion and acceptance of rules was not discussed or debated among the classes. Only one class undertook a 'democratic' discussion and generation of rules. When rules were breached in class, punishments were made differentially (against boys, in the main) and sometimes singling a pupil out (for particular criticism in front of the class). Punishments were used for academic (inability to provide a correct answer) and behavioural control.

In most of the classrooms the teacher was seen as the rule-maker and rule-enforcer. The didactic nature of the classroom, with only one teacher responsible meant that there was a consistency in organisation for the children (as opposed to observations made in the secondary schools). Rules were rarely stated in class except when they were transgressed; these incidents were most likely to be observed at the end of a period of teacher-less time. In all classrooms the children entered and left in an orderly fashion - when told to do so by the teacher. Children were asked to participate when (or if) they raised their hands; examples where this rule was broken were mainly when a child was very enthusiastic about providing an answer. When a child was called upon to answer, she or he had to stand-up in front of classmates.

Correct or incorrect answers were made very explicit to the rest of the class. Cases of over-enthusiasm were usually met with a subtle reminder from the teacher.

The researcher found only one class where rules were being generated in a 'democratic', participative manner. The teacher in School 5 has already been noted for her unusual approach that supported low attaining pupils. Here she actually discussed and agreed rules with the class rather than asserting them unilaterally. Once children agreed rules, the rules were written in their class books and the children were expected to conform to them. Participation of children in resolving classroom problems was also exhibited in another incident:

10.50: The teacher is called to a meeting. When she comes back she is told that Stacy and Nicola were fighting.

T
Stacy tell me what happened. (Stacy tells her story)

T
Nicola what happened? (Nicola tells her story)

Stacy had refused to let Nicola pass to get into her seat. Nicola fought her when she could not pass. Stacy told the teacher that Nicola passes too often. The teacher encourages Nicola to apologise for losing her temper. The class was asked to suggest what else Nicola could have done to prevent the fight. Stacy comes off as wrong as she spoke to the teacher.

10. Teachers used two methods to seat their pupils in the Standard 4 year. In most of the classes observed seating was segregated by sex and ability and few teachers actively sat boys and girls next to each other. When teachers used planned and integrated seating arrangements, it was to control particular members of the class.

The need to consider assigned seating and classroom control was made evident in the secondary school case studies, especially when large amounts of teacher-less time contributed to classroom confusion. In the primary schools, there was less teacher-less time (also lasting shorter lengths of time) in the classrooms. With the teacher's greater presence in and around the classroom, potential misbehaviour was less likely to take place and we cannot comment on whether segregated seating exasperated misbehaviour or not. When seating was segregated, though, girls tended to sit next to each other and towards the front of the room (nearer to the teacher). Boys and lower attaining pupils sat towards the sides and back of the room. Teachers were aware that segregation could lead to misbehaviour, such that (in School 2) the teacher told the researcher that she moved boys in the classroom to control their possible misbehaviour. This behavioural control usually meant that the offending boy was made to sit next to a girl. Three of the five teachers were observed to assign seating for pupils. The teacher in School 5 mixed boys and girls and different attainment levels throughout the year. The teacher in School 2 assigned low attaining children to sit near her desk. In School 4, the teacher used seating for control:

The teacher rearranges pupils in an attempt to place talkative pupils by serious pupils.

and for improvement in learning:

I have spoken to the teacher and she tells me that she has placed the weak pupils in front of her. They are the ones she believes need help.

Children, usually boys, who the teacher caught talking or not paying attention were moved next to girls. Not all of the girls liked having boys moved next to them - they accepted the teacher's direction but complained to the researcher when the teacher was out of the classroom.

11. Pupils had to share limited numbers of books and other resources. These occasions were not used to introduce collaborative or co-operative working among pupils. In the more competitive classroom atmospheres of Schools 1 through 4, some antagonism was expressed by pupils when they had to share with a child that was not a friend. In School 5, where the teacher adopted a supportive approach, the children accepted the need to share without complaint.

Teaching and Learning:

12. The predominant teaching style was didactic: through the use of question and answer sessions and information presented from the teacher (on the blackboard or dictated). There was little or no evidence of alternate techniques that arose from (child centred) pupil interests/ideas. Pupils were placed in a passive as opposed to active learning role.

One of the initial observations undertaken in School 2 gives a flavour of the flow of information and control of knowledge by the teacher:

The teacher puts the date and a diagram on the board.

T
Can anyone tell me what is on the board?

Class
Yes.

T
What oil refineries are there in Trinidad and Tobago?

Hands go up.

T
Seon?

Seon gives the wrong answer.

T
How many are there?

Teacher chooses Pria.

Pria
At Point-a-Pierre.

Teacher then discusses the process of oil refinery. She refers to the diagram which shows all the stages in the process of refining oil. She tells the class what can be made with the product from each stage...

T
The final part is called asphalt and this is the part we will deal with today. Do you know where the asphalt lake is?

Rochelle answers.

Garvin says asphalt comes from oil.

T
Not from oil alone. Where can it come from?

Hands go up.

T
No, not the sea...Avemesh?

He gives the right answer.

T
The main use of asphalt is to surface roads and patch roads. Asphalt is also used in paints.

Maya
Miss, exterior emulsion.

T
Yes.

Dominic
Miss?

T
Yes.

Dominic
Under the ground.

T
When it gets hard what is it called?

Class
Pitch.

Teacher writes on board how asphalt is formed.

T
What are the uses of asphalt? Cindy?

Cindy gives no answer.

T
Heidi.

Heidi
Miss, paints.

T
Where are your glasses Dominic?

Teacher tells class to copy what they see written on the board.

9.33: T
Don't take all day.

Pupils then go to get their books checked.

This quote shows an intensity of (question and answer) interaction while information and presentation is under the control of the teacher. There are many other examples of even more rapid firing of questions with the expectation of quick answers from the pupils.

Quizzes were also used throughout the observations to 'test' pupil learning. Pupils also had to maintain their classwork in notebooks that were collected and corrected by the teachers in all of the classes.

The pupils who achieved well in these classes were those who had prepared their work at home or those who were 'quick' to catch on to the flow of question and answers. The teacher provided little praise or encouragement for successful answers, especially the teacher in School 3. When pupils were unable to answer, he used a mixture of sarcasm or told other pupils to provide the answer. Efforts were not made to encourage understanding, especially for those pupils unable to provide the correct answer. Some pupils did not participate in the class, the researcher commented that it may be the competitive nature of the teaching and learning situation that made them too nervous to contribute.

The one alternate example of a teacher who tried to move from the didactic approach was found in School 5. She made a number of comments about her own teaching style to the researcher. She called her style 'experimental and creative', although it was predominantly question and answer. She used this style:

...because her class are too mechanical. For example, she says she believes they have notes (on a subject) but can't tell her in their own words. She says teaching with notes makes her angry as it takes less of a teacher and places too much emphasis in the pupils' initiative to pick up... The experimental and creative style helps to motivate this mid stream class.

Within the style, she interacted with the pupils. The lessons were structured, but the teacher accepted pupil ideas and contributions. A number of her questions were open ended, and pupil contributions were integrated into the lessons. Additionally, all children maintained a diary in which the teacher encouraged a daily entry. She stated that the diaries were used 'to help them express themselves and let the ideas flow'.

13. Learning throughout the observations was focused on the individual. There were no examples of co-operative or collaborative techniques in use. The teacher in School 4's use of competition between groups supported more suspicion than collaboration among group members. Even when children tried to work together, pupils were told that they must work as individuals. In one example of two boys trying to work together, the teacher in School 1 said:

Now I want you all to try to do your own work. It is the only way I can see where you need your help.

and another time (to the same boys):

You have your own work to do, I never asked you to work together.

14. In most of the classrooms, the learning pace was dictated by the high attainers. This focus left low attainers with little opportunity to achieve understanding or receive feedback from the teacher. Differences between the attainment levels was accentuated through constant quizzes and the question and answer sessions. Pupil involvement, for the most part, was dictated by the attainment level of the child. Teachers could increase involvement by changing the syllabus pace and focusing on understanding of low attainers. These changes ensured that low attainers were given the opportunity of inclusion.

Pupils did not demonstrate active involvement in the learning process throughout most of the observations. Those who answered correctly during the question and answer sessions were, at times, given positive reinforcement in the form of praise. More often, their answers were simply acknowledged and the teacher moved on to the next question. When pupils could not answer the question (especially low attaining pupils), the teacher rarely took the opportunity to explain how the correct answer was attained. Pupils were told what they had not learned (eg. mathematics tables) - not how to improve. Occasionally, low attainers were told that their parents would be called in to be informed of the pupil's lack of effort.

Teaching and learning in most classes was firmly based on what the pupils had learned in the past or had undertaken as homework. The question and answer sessions brought about a constant revision of previous material. If the pupil had not effectively learned this material, little opportunity was offered to help bring the child's knowledge up to a functional classroom level. The teacher (in School 3) went so far as to say that the pupil who could not answer his questions belonged in a younger year group.

Characteristic of the didactic teaching style, the higher attaining pupils dictated the pace of the class. Non-understanding was a problem infrequently identified by the teacher as some pupils concealed themselves from being called upon - fearing the losing team points (in School 4) or sarcasm (School 3). There were few occasions in which teachers slowed the pace of the class to ensure that all of the pupils understood the topic. Only in School 5 did the teacher slow the pace to ensure that the whole class was able to answer correctly.

The didactic teaching style was likely to inhibit the participation of some children, especially the low attainers. Teachers did show that this passivity could be overcome in their pupils in a few instances. First, even with a didactic approach, the teacher in School 5 ensured that all pupils participated. Correct answers were positively reinforced through praise. Incorrect answers were worked through with the pupil, either with the teacher or another pupil who explained how the answer was determined:

The teacher begins correcting the language exercise. She asks pupils questions. Nmandi (female, low attainer) tries to answer but gives the wrong answer and pupils giggle. The teacher asks pupils why certain answers were chosen.

T
Kieron. (He stands, no answer.)

Jonelle explains why the past tense is chosen and not the past participle. Tenille and Meighn are asked to do the next question. Meighn answers and the teacher asks the class if the answer is right. If pupils disagree, they must say why.

The teacher kept a constant account of the work of the lower attaining pupils through the question and answer sessions and checking their work books. When children made mistakes in their class books, the teacher discussed corrections with each child individually. The child was asked to make further corrections where necessary.

The teacher in School 2 increased pupil involvement, especially among the low attaining pupils, in one instance when the class was asked to role play a television reporter:

T
What are we reporting on?

Class
Ma sara.

T (to Heidi, high attainer):
What was our purpose?

Heidi
We are looking at different people in the market.

T
What else, Christina?

Christina (mid attainer)
We are watching what people do.

Dominic (low attainer)
They trying to find fat, good business women.

The class giggles.

T
Alright!

Errol (low attainer)
The person who has the best sweets.

Seon (mid attainer)
The children's favourite vendor.

T
Yes, that's it. So we have established our purpose. We are in the Tunapuna market. We want to know what causes children to go to her....... Dominic come, are you all ready to listen to him?

T(to Dominic)
Remember you are reporting. Anyone who wants to be Ma sara?

The boys shout Kerry. Kerry does not want to do it.

T
Who else wants to come? Genevieve (high attainer) come... You must have a introduction, Dominic, what do you have?

Dominic
We are coming to you from the stall of Ma sara.

T
Good, then you must have...

Dominic continues with his introduction, which is good and the teacher tells him so. He finishes asking Genevieve questions. Then the teacher asks Kerry (low attainer) to come with Dexter (mid attainer) to do the skit. Dexter is to be Ma sara. There is much laughter during and after the skit when Kerry and Dexter do it.

T
Who else wants to go?

Hands go up.

T
Before we go inside, what have you leamt about reporting?

Rainier (low attainer)
It's fun.

Dexter
It's education.

Rochelle
You have to use your head.

Myles (low attainer)
It is similar to composition.

T
Why, Myles? (Myles takes long to answer.)

T
We will come back to you.

Rochelle
It has an introduction, a body and conclusion.

Kerry
Is a form of advertising for people.

The teacher asks class to go inside, session over.

There was only one other observed incident that brought about such an involvement, especially by low attaining pupils. In this instance the teacher was working on the concept of meridians. She asked various children to come to the front of the room and painted various planets on them. She had the children move around each other and she was able to draw the pupils into an understanding of time and planet rotation.

Homework was assigned by all teachers every day. Most pupils undertook and completed their homework, but outcome and understanding was inconsistent with simply having completed the assigned work. Those who did not complete the homework correctly or did not complete it at all were unable to receive positive feedback from their teachers. Boys, especially, were those most likely to be identified as not completing homework. Boys did not receive help from other boys - and only rarely would they receive help from girls.

15. Homework was an important, but underused resource for learning. Teachers gave the appearance that homework was the source of learning and that classwork was for the review of home learning. If homework was not completed or completed incorrectly the pupil could not be expected to learn in the class. The teacher did not tell the pupils how to do homework or develop their understanding. Girls showed a strategy to share their homework (and problems). Some parents checked their children's homework, but parents of low attaining children did/could not provide much help.

The help or lack of help that parents could provide was described by the teacher in School 5 - when she provided reasons for poor performance in class to the researcher. Her descriptions began with Keston, a low attaining male who missed school often and moved to Faith, a low attaining female:

Keston is a child that barely comes to school. The teacher called in his father and the father never came. She has several students whose parents don't seem interested. She has a rule that parents should sign homework books. Several parents don't sign. Then, if they are called to see her, they don't show up. Faith's father never signs her book. The teacher had to quarrel with him over it as the child is behind in her work.

In contrast, a report of a discussion with Gary (high attainer):

Gary says his mother always checks his work and signs his books.

On reflection, the researcher made the following statement with regard to the poor performance of some children in class:

It also appears that if a child is in a situation where the mother is absent or uninterested and there is no other female to show interest in the child's work, the onus falls on fathers. In most cases the child suffers. Male parents don't seem to show the same level of interest; this is, perhaps, what happened to Faith and Keston.

Thus, for low attaining pupils the mother may be central to the promotion of the child's education. Even when one child came from an educated background, the child's poor study learning skills were attributed to the parents and the mother in particular:

The teacher told me that she had called Kieron's mother to ask about his mathematics. (Kieron's father teaches economics and his mother is a guidance counsellor.) Kieron's mother told the teacher that she couldn't do mathematics, thus the teacher believes that the parent's mental block is reinforcing the child's.

SOME IMPLICATIONS FROM THE PRIMARY SCHOOL DATA:

Implications are derived from the above summary points. The order of presentation does not relate to order of priority or importance.

a. Teacher control and teacher preference are strongly associated with the higher attainers in class. Such a strategy excludes the full attainment range and ensures that the pace of the classroom leaves some children behind.

b. Competition generated within question and answer sessions and frequent quizzes (even if used to prepare for the CEE) encourages the high attainers and discourages the low attainers.

c. Homework is an important aspect of pupil learning and preparation for classwork. Some pupils, though, do not have people who can understand and help at home.

d. Reading interests and habits show a fundamental difference between attainment levels and boys and girls.

e. Reliance on the individual child as the source of participation in the classroom has not been augmented by paired work, peer tutoring or cooperative learning.

f. Children can and will participate in learning and generation of classroom rules if they are given the opportunity to participate.


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